아프리카 계 미국인 언어 영어 - African-American Vernacular English

아프리카 계 미국인 언어 영어
블랙 언어 영어
African America Flag.svg
부위 미국
민족성 아프리카 계 미국인 , 흑인 캐나다인
라틴어 ( 영어 알파벳 )
미국 점자
언어 코드
ISO 639-3
Glottolog 없음
이 문서에는 IPA 음성 기호 가 포함되어 있습니다 . 적절한 렌더링 지원이 없으면 유니 코드 문자 대신 물음표, 상자 또는 기타 기호가 표시 될 수 있습니다 . IPA 기호에 대한 소개 가이드는 Help : IPA를 참조하십시오 .

아프리카 계 미국인 특유의 영어 ( AAVE는 , / ɑː V의 , æ V / [1] ), 언급 또한 블랙 특유의 , 블랙 영어 특유의 ( BEV ), 블랙 특유의 영어 ( BVE ), 구어체로 에보 닉스 (A 논란 용어), [2] 또는 간단히 Black English ( BE )는 대부분의 직장 에서 특히 도시 지역 사회에서 원어민으로 사용 되는 다양한 영어입니다.- 중산층 아프리카 계 미국인 과 일부 흑인 캐나다인 . [삼]

고유 한 문법, 어휘 및 악센트 기능을 갖춘 아프리카 계 미국인 토착어 영어는 중산층 아프리카 계 미국인이 사회 언어 적 연속체 의보다 비공식적이고 캐주얼 한 끝으로 사용됩니다 . 이 연속체의 공식적인 끝에서, 화자 는 일반적으로 비표준 억양의 요소를 유지하면서 표준적인 영어 문법과 어휘로 전환 합니다 . [4] [5]

대부분의 아프리카 계 미국인 영어 와 마찬가지로 , 아프리카 계 미국인 토착어 영어는 미국 남부시골 방언 , [6] , 특히 오래된 남부 아메리카 영어 , [7]의 역사적 연관성으로 인해 문법음운 의 상당 부분을 공유합니다. 지역에 아프리카 계 미국인.

주류 언어 학자들은 아프리카 계 미국인 토착어 영어와 서 아프리카어영어 기반 크리올 어 간의 유사점 은 실재하지만 사소 하다고 주장합니다 . [8] [9] [10] [11] 아프리카 계 미국인 토착어 영어는 계보 적으로 여전히 영어에 속합니다. language, [12] [13] 미국 남부 의 초기 영국 정착민들의 다양한 비표준 방언으로 거슬러 올라갑니다 . [14] 그러나, 언어학 소수 주장하는 아프리카와 특유 주 많은 특성 크리올 언어영어 와는 구별되는 자체 영어 기반 크리올 어 또는 세미 크리올 어 에서 유래되었을 수 있다고 전 세계적으로 말한 있습니다. [15] [16] [17]

태생

아프리카 계 미국인 특유의 영어 (AAVE)은 고려 될 수있다 방언 , ethnolect 또는 sociolect . [ 인용 필요 ] AAVE와 이전 미국 남부 방언 사이에 강력한 역사적 관계가 있다는 것은 분명하지만 AAVE 의 기원은 여전히 ​​논쟁의 여지가 있습니다.

언어 학자들의 주된 이론은 AAVE가 항상 영어의 방언 이었다는 것입니다. 즉, AAVE는 영어로 다시 "거절" 영어 기반 크리올 어가 아닌 이전 영어 방언에서 유래했습니다 . 2000 년대 초, 샤나 포 플랙이 제공 코퍼스 기반 증거 [10] [10] 의 본체로부터 -evidence를 쓰기에서 고립 된 고립 지역 사마노바 시아 초기 AAVE 말하는 그룹 마이그레이션 자손 돌 많은 (참조 사마 영어) 이는 초기 AAVE의 문법이 현대 도시 AAVE보다 현대 영국 방언의 문법에 더 가깝다는 것을 시사하며, 현대 언어는 현재의 다른 미국 방언에 가깝습니다. 널리 퍼진 미국 크리올. [18]

언어 학자 John McWhorter 는 AAVE에 대한 서 아프리카 언어의 기여가 미미하다고 주장합니다. National Public RadioTalk of the Nation 에 대한 인터뷰에서 McWhorter는 AAVE를 "미국의 노예들이 종종 그러한 방언을 사용하는 계약을 맺은 하인과 함께 일했기 때문에 노출 된 영국의 지역 방언의 하이브리드"로 특징 짓습니다. McWhorter에 따르면, AAVE의 기원을주의 깊게 연구 한 거의 모든 언어학자는 "서 아프리카 연결이 매우 사소하다는 데 동의합니다." [19]

그러나 언어 학자들 사이에서 덜 받아 들여지는 크리올 이론은 AAVE가 대서양 노예 무역 의 아프리카 포로들이 사용하는 하나 이상의 크리올 어 에서 비롯되었다고 가정 합니다. 그리고 그들의 체포 자들과 함께. [20] 이 이론에 따르면,이 포로가 먼저 호출 무엇 개발 pidgins 언어의 단순화 된 혼합물 :. pidgins는 서로 다른 언어를 사용하는 사람들 사이의 긴밀한 접촉에서 형성되기 때문에 노예 무역은 정확히 그러한 상황이었을 것입니다. Creolist John Dillard는 예를 들어 노예선을 인용합니다.캡틴 윌리엄 스미스가 감비아 에서만 서로 이해할 수없는 언어의 다양성을 설명합니다 . [21] 1715 년에 아프리카 피진은 Daniel Defoe의 소설 , 특히 The Life of Colonel Jacque 에서 재현되었습니다 . 1721 년 Cotton Mather 는 천연두 예방 접종에 관한 인터뷰에서 노예의 연설을 녹음하려는 첫 번째 시도를했습니다. [22] 미국 혁명 당시에는 노예 크리올의 품종이 상호 이해하기 어렵습니다 . Dillard는 18 세기 후반에 "노예 언어"에 대한 회상을 인용합니다. [21]"케이, 마사, 넌 그냥 나를 떠나, 내가 여기 앉아, 큰 물고기가 다 카누로 뛰어 올라, 여기 그는, 마사, 좋은 물고기, 마사, 나는 아주 grad; 나를 아주 가만히 앉아, 다른 큰 물고기가 뛰어들 때까지 드 카누; 그러나 나는 잠들고, 마사하고, 당신이 올 때까지 깨어나지 않는다 .... " 미국 남북 전쟁일어나기 전까지 는 노예들의 언어가 교육받은 많은 백인들에게 익숙해졌습니다. 전쟁 이전의 폐지 론자들의 논문 은 농장 크리올의 예가 담긴 풍부한 코퍼스형성합니다 . 에서 블랙 연대에서 군 생활 (1870), 토마스 웬트워스 히긴슨그의 흑인 병사들의 언어의 많은 특징을 자세히 설명했습니다. 크리올 이론의 반대자들은 그러한 피진이나 크리올이 존재했지만 현대 AAVE에 직접 기여하지 않고 단순히 죽었다고 제안합니다.

음운론

많은 발음 기능이 AAVE를 다른 형태의 미국 영어 (특히, 일반 미국 ) 와 차별화 합니다. McWhorter는 모든 AAVE 악센트를 진정으로 통합하는 것은 가장 "중립적"이거나 가벼운 아프리카 계 미국인 악센트를 특징 짓는 독특하고 광범위한 인토네이션 패턴 또는 "멜로디"라고 주장합니다. [23] AAVE에서 multisyllabic 단어의 소수는 예를 들어, 그래서 스트레스 배치에 일반 미국과 다른 경찰 , 기타 , 그리고 디트로이트는 초기 스트레스 대신 궁극적 인 스트레스로 발음된다. [24] 다음은 AAVE 모음 및 자음의 음운 차이이다.

모음

모든 AAVE 모음
순수 모음 ( 모노 프통 )
영어 diaphoneme AAVE 음소 [25] 예시 단어
/ æ / [æ ~ ɛː ~ ɛə] a ct, p a l, tr a p
[ɛː ~ ɛə ~ eə] ( / æ / 올리기 ) h a m, l a nd, y eah
/ ɑː / [a ~ ɑ̈ ~ ɑ] bl ah , b o ther, f a ther,
l o t, t o p, w a sp
/ ɒ /
[ɒ (ɔ) ~ ɔ (ʊ)] a ll, d o g, b ough t,
l o ss, s aw , t augh t
/ ɔː /
/ ɛ / [ɛ ~ eə] dr e ss, m e t, br ea d
/ ə / [ə] a 한판 승부, syr u p, a ren a
/ ɪ / [ɪ ~ iə] h i t, sk i m, t i p
/ 나는 ː / [나는] b ea m, ch i c, fl ee t
/ ʌ / [ʌ ~ ɜ] b u s, fl oo d, wh a t
/ ʊ / [ʊ ~ ɵ ~ ø̞] b oo k, p u t, sh ou ld
/ / [ʊu ~ u] f oo d, gl ue , n ew
디프 통
/ / [äː ~ äe ~ aː] pr i ze, sl i de, t ie
[äɪ] pr i ce, sl i ce, t y ke
/ / [æɔ ~ æə] n ow , ou ch, sc ou t
/ / [eɪ ~ ɛɪ] l a ke, p ai d, r ei n
/ ɔɪ / [oɪ] b oy , ch oi ce, m oi st
/ / [ʌʊ ~ ɔʊ] g oa t, oh , sh ow
R 색 모음
/ ɑːr / rhotic : [ɑɹ ~ ɒɹ]
비 rhotic : [ɑ ~ ɒ]
b ar n, c ar , h ear t
/ ɛər / rhotic : [ɛɹ]
비 rhotic : [ɛə]
b , b ear , th ere
/ ɜːr / [ɝ] b ur n, f ir st, h er d
/ ər / rhotic : [ɚ]
비 rhotic : [ə]
bett er , mart yr , doct 또는
/ ɪər / 변성 : [iɹ] 비변 변성
: [iə ~ iɤ]
f ear , p eer , t ier
/ ɔːr / 변성 : [oɹ] 비변 변성
: [oə ~ ɔə ~ ɔo]
h oar se, h 또는 se, p oor
sc ore , t our , w ar
/ ʊər /
/ j ʊər / rhotic : [juɹ ~ jʊɹ]
비 rhotic : [juə ~ jʊə]
c ure , Eur ope, p ure
  • 아프리카 계 미국인 모음 이동 : AAVE 악센트는 전통적 으로 LOT 발음 [ɑ̈]THOUGHT를 전통적으로 발음 [ɒɔ]으로 발음 하여 전국적으로 퍼져 나가는 간이 침대 합병에 저항 해 왔습니다. 그러나 지금은 자주 [ɒ ~ ɔə] . 2000 년대 초반 연구에 따르면이 저항은 TRAP , DRESSKIT 모음 의 상승에 대한 모음 체인 이동통해 연결된 LOT 의 앞쪽에 계속해서 강화 될 수 있습니다 . 이 체인 시프트를 "아프리카 아메리칸 시프트"라고합니다. [26]그러나 AAVE 연사들이 펜실베이니아 주 피츠버그 에서 간이 침대 합병을 시작했다는 증거는 여전히 남아 있습니다 . [27] Charleston , South Carolina; [28] 그리고 젊은 연사들 사이에서.
  • 특정 diphthong 형태를 monophthongs로 축소 , 특히 PRICE 모음 / aɪ /무성 자음 이전을 제외하고 [aː]로 monophthongized입니다 (이것은 대부분의 흰색 남부 방언 에서도 발견됩니다 ). 의 모음 소리 CHOICE ( / ɔɪ / 일반 미국에서) 또한 monophthongized되고, 특히 전 / L / 제작 종기 에서 구별를 . [29]
  • 핀-펜 병합 : 코 자음 ( / m / , / n / , / ŋ / ) 전에 DRESS / ɛ /KIT / ɪ / 는 둘 다 [ɪ ~ ɪə] 와 같이 발음 되어 동음 이의어를 만듭니다. [29] 이것은 또한 다른 방언 , 특히 남부의 방언 에도 존재 합니다.
  • 구별 KIT / ɪ / / 전 / 전 모음 유음은 빈번하게 감소 또는 부재 느낌충전 동음 이의어 ( 충전 - 느낌 합병 ). / ʊər // ɔːr / 또한 합쳐져서 가난 하고 동음 이의어를 부어줍니다 ( 치료강제 합병 ). [29]

자음

  • 의 워드 최종 devoicing / B / , / D // ɡ / 예를 들어, 이에 새끼 유사한 소리 , [30] 이 단어가 긴 모음 발음을 보유 할 수 있지만 그 전형적 선행 유성 자음. [31]
  • AAVE 스피커는 사용할 수 없습니다 마찰음 [θ] 합니다 ( 일을 "에서 하고있는") [ð] 합니다 ( "의 영어의 다른 품종에 존재하는 EN"). 단어에서 음소의 위치에 따라 정확한 소리가 결정됩니다. [32]
    • 워드 - 초기 / θ /는 보통 다른 영어 방언 동일하다 (매우 얇은 이다 [θɪn] ); 다른 상황에서는 에서 / f / ( Th-fronting ) 로 앞으로 이동할 수 있습니다 .
    • 워드 초기 / ð /[D ~ D] (그래서 될 수있다 [dɪs] ). 다른 상황에서는 / ð // v / 로 이동할 수 있습니다 .
  • 최종 실현 NG / N /연구 개 비음 은 AS, 폐포 비강 [N] ( assibilation , 폐포 에서) 함수 형태소 과 같은 둘 또는 그 이상의 음절 콘텐츠 형태소 -ing트리핑 로 발음 먹은 . 이러한 변경은 하나의 음절이 발생하지 않는 콘텐츠 등의 형태소 노래 이고, [sɪŋ] 아닌 * sɪn] . 그러나 노래[ˈsɪŋɪn] 입니다. 다른 예는 결혼식을 포함합니다 [ˈwɛɾɪn] , 아침[ˈmɔɹnɪn] , 아무것도[ˈnʌfɪn] . 의 실현 / ŋ / 으로 [n]은 일반적으로 다른 많은 영어 방언에서 발견되는 이러한 맥락에서. [33]
  • AAVE의 특징은 최종 자음 클러스터 감소입니다. 유사하지만 다른 문법 규칙에 의해 관리되는 몇 가지 현상이 있습니다. 이러한 경향은 크리올리스트들이 AAVE와 서 아프리카 언어를 비교하는 데 사용되었습니다. 그러한 언어에는 최종 클러스터가 없기 때문입니다. [34]
    • 동성 (동일한 관절 위치를 가짐 )이고 동일한 음성을 공유하는 최종 자음 클러스터 가 감소됩니다. 예를 들어 test/ t // s / 가 모두 무성 이기 때문에 [tɛs] 로 발음됩니다 . [hæn] (또는 [hæ̃] 또는 [hɛən] )으로 발음됩니다. / n // d / 는 모두 음성이 나기 때문입니다 . 그러나 바지 는 클러스터에 유성음과 무성 자음을 모두 포함하므로 변경되지 않습니다. [35] 이것은 파열음은이다 ( / t // D /) 이러한 예에서 마찰음보다는 손실 됨; 코는 또한 완전하게 보존되거나 앞의 자음의 코를 보존하여 손실됩니다. [36] 화자는 복수형으로 표현할 때이 뭉쳐진 발음을 전달하여 복수형 테스트가 [tɛsts] 가 아닌 [ˈtɛsəs]가 될 수 있습니다. [37] 클러스터 / ft / , / md / 도 영향을받습니다. [38]
    • 더 자주, word-final / sp / , / st / , / sk / 는 축소되며 최종 요소는 이전 요소가 아닌 삭제됩니다. [39]
    • 젊은 사용자의 경우, / skr / 은 다른 영어 유형에 / str / 이있는 단어로도 발생 하므로 예를 들어 street[skrit] 로 발음 됩니다. [40]
    • / s / 또는 / z /로 끝나는 클러스터 는 첫 번째 또는 두 번째 요소가 삭제되는지 여부에 따라 다양합니다. [41]
  • 마찬가지로, 최종 자음이 삭제 될 수 있습니다 (이와 관련하여 화자간에 많은 차이가 있지만). 대부분의 경우 / t // d / 가 삭제됩니다. 다른 영어 방언과 마찬가지로 최종 / t // k /성문 중지로 줄어들 수 있습니다 . 모음의 비음화가 유지되는 동안 비음이 손실 될 수 있습니다 (예 : find 발음 [fãː] ). 드물게 / s // z / 도 삭제 될 수 있습니다. [42]
  • aks for "ask" [43] 또는 graps for "grasp" 와 같은 복분해 된 형태의 사용 .
  • 일반적으로 rhotic 자음 / r / 뒤에 모음이 없을 때 rhotic 자음 이 삭제 되는 일반적인 비 rhotic 행동 ; 또한 강조 되지 않은 [ə] 또는 앞 모음의 연장으로 나타날 수도 있습니다 . [44] Intervocalic / r / 도 삭제 될 수 있습니다. 예를 들어 General American story ( [ˈstɔɹi] )는 [ˈstɔ.i] 로 발음 될 수 있지만 형태소 경계를 넘어서 발생하지는 않습니다. [45] / r / 은 자음과 반올림 모음 사이에서 삭제 될 수도 있습니다. 특히 throw , throat , through같은 단어에서 삭제 될 수 있습니다 . [46]
    • AAVE rhoticity의 수준은 주어진 지역에서 백인 화자의 rhoticity와 다소 상관 관계가 있습니다. 1960 년대 연구에서 AAVE 악센트는 디트로이트에서 대부분 비변 성인 경향이 있었는데, 백인 스피커는 비 변성이지만 뉴욕시에서는 완전히 비 변성이었습니다. [47]
  • / l / 은 종종 / r / (모음 사이는 아님) [48]유사한 패턴으로 발성되며 , 클러스터 단순화 (위 참조)와 함께 tolltoe , fault and fought도구의 동음 이의어를 만들 수 있습니다. 그리고 너무 . 호모 니미는 모음 연장과 오프 글라이드에 의해 감소 ​​될 수 있습니다 [ɤ] . [49]

"깊은"음운론

McWhorter는 " '깊은'흑인 영어에서 '가벼운'흑인 영어를 통해 표준 영어로" 악센트 연속체에 대해 논의합니다 .이 연속체의 소리는 아프리카 계 미국인 사용자마다 다를 수 있으며 상황에 따라 단일 사용자에서도 다를 수 있습니다. 다음 컨텍스트. [50] McWhorter는 다음을 희귀 한 특징으로 간주합니다. 진한 흑인 영어의 특징이지만 가벼운 흑인 영어를 사용하는 사람은 때때로 "유머러스하거나 감성적 인 효과를 내기 위해 빠져들 수 있습니다". [23]

  • 절감/ ɪ // N / , 등의 원인이 발음 [θɛŋ ~ θæŋ] 에 대한 (같은 소리 탕을 ). [40]
  • 워드 내측 및 단어 마지막 발음의 / θ /[F] (그래서 [mʌmf]개월[mæɔf] 에 대한 ) 및 / D /[V] (그래서 [smuv] 에 대한 원활 하고 [ɹævə을 ( ɹ)] for 차라리 . [51] 이것은 th -fronting 이라고 합니다. 단어 처음에는 / ð /[d]입니다 (그래서 이들졸음 소리는 거의 동일합니다). 이것은 th -stopping 이라고합니다.. 즉, 혀가 윗니에 완전히 닿습니다.
  • / / 의 모든 인스턴스에 대한 글라이드 삭제 ( monophthongization )는 보편적으로 [aː ~ äː]가됩니다 (예를 들어 rahs 처럼 들릴 수 있습니다.)
  • / ɪ /전체 활공 ( diphthongization ) , 결과 [iə] ( 승리wee-un 처럼 들릴 수 있음 ).
  • 양육 과 모음의 잘난척 / ʌ / 같은 단어의 스트럿, 진흙, 힘든 뭔가에 등 [ɜ ~ ə] .

문법

긴장과 측면

AAVE에는 다른 영어 품종 (즉, "work ed " -ed)단순 과거형 마커가 반드시 있어야하는 것은 아니지만 , 과거형의 4 가지 측면과 다음의 2 가지 측면이있는 선택적 시제 시스템이 있습니다. 미래 시제. [52]

AAVE의 단계 / 수량 [53]
단계
과거 최근 나는 그것을 샀다
충적세 나는 완료 그것을 구입
사전 발표 나는 그것을 샀다
과거 감수성 나는 그것을 산다
선물 나는 그것을 사고있다
미래 즉시 나는 그것을 살거야
사후 즉시 내가 살거야
무기한 미래 내가 살거야

^ a 문법적으로는 문법적으로구입했지만완료(항상 강조되지 않음, / dən /로 발음)는 동작의 완성 된 성격을 강조하는 데 사용됩니다. [54]

위상 조동사로서 되었습니다이루어 제 1 보조로 발생한다; 두 번째로 발생하면 추가 측면이 있습니다 . [53]

일이 끝났다 는 것은 "오래전에 일을 끝냈다"는 뜻입니다.
그는 된 작업 수행 "최근 그가 오랜 기간 동안 일을 할 때까지"라는 뜻입니다.

후자의 예는 AAVE의 가장 독특한 특징 중 하나를 보여줍니다. be사용 하여 동사의 성능이 습관적인 성격임을 나타냅니다. 대부분의 다른 미국 영어 방언에서는 보통 과 같은 부사를 사용하여 분명하게 표현할 수 있습니다 . [55]

이러한 양태 마킹 형태 이었다 또는 BIN은 [56] 스트레스 응력이 가해지지 않은 형태에서 의미 적으로 구별된다 : 그녀 BIN 실행 ( '그녀 동안 실행 한') 및 그녀가 실행되고 ( "그녀가 실행 한 '). [57] 본 형태는 등 여러 가지 이름 부여 된 최적 위상 , 원격 과거원격 위상 (이 문서가 제를 사용함). [58] 로는, 상기 도시 먼 과거에 대한 액션. 그러나 되어 사용됩니다 stative 동사 또는 동명사 형태 왔다행동이 먼 과거에 시작되었고 지금도 계속되고 있음을 보여줍니다. Rickford (1999) 는 상태 동사와 함께 사용될 때 더 나은 번역이 "오랜 시간 동안"이라고 제안합니다. 예를 들어, "I like your new dress"에 대한 응답으로 Oh, I have been had this dress 라는 말을들을 수 있습니다 . 이는 연사가 오랫동안 드레스를 입었고 새 것이 아니라는 의미입니다. [58]

been 와 함께 사용될 때 단순 과거와 동명사의 차이점을 보려면 다음 표현식을 고려하십시오.

나는 그녀의 옷을 구입했다는 것은 "나는 그녀의 옷을 오래 전에 샀다"라는 뜻입니다.
나는 그녀의 옷을 사왔다 는 것은 "나는 그녀의 옷을 오랫동안 사왔다"는 의미입니다.
AAVE 문법적 측면
양상 Example Standard English meaning
Habitual/continuative aspect[59] He be working Tuesdays. He frequently (or habitually) works on Tuesdays.
Intensified continuative (habitual) He stay working. He is always working.
Intensified continuative (not habitual)[60] He steady working. He keeps on working.
Perfect progressive He been working. He has been working.
Irrealis[clarification needed] He finna go to work. He is about to go to work.a
  • ^a Finna corresponds to "fixing to" in other varieties.[61] it is also written fixina, fixna, fitna, and finta[62]

In addition to these, come (which may or may not be an auxiliary[63]) may be used to indicate speaker indignation, such as in Don't come acting like you don't know what happened and you started the whole thing ('Don't try to act as if you don't know what happened, because you started the whole thing').[64]

Negation

Negatives are formed differently from most other varieties of English:[65]

  • Use of ain't as a general negative indicator. As in other dialects, it can be used where most other dialects would use am not, isn't, aren't, haven't, and hasn't. However, in marked contrast to other varieties of English in the US, some speakers of AAVE also use ain't instead of don't, doesn't, or didn't (e.g., I ain't know that).[66] Ain't had its origins in common English but became increasingly stigmatized since the 19th century. See also amn't.
  • Negative concord, popularly called "double negation", as in I didn't go nowhere; if the sentence is negative, all negatable forms are negated. This contrasts with standard written English conventions, which have traditionally prescribed that a double negative is considered incorrect to mean anything other than a positive (although this was not always so; see double negative).
  • In a negative construction, an indefinite pronoun such as nobody or nothing can be inverted with the negative verb particle for emphasis (e.g., Don't nobody know the answer, Ain't nothing going on.)

While AAVE shares these with Creole languages,[67] Howe & Walker (2000) use data from early recordings of African Nova Scotian English, Samaná English, and the recordings of former slaves to demonstrate that negation was inherited from nonstandard colonial English.[65]

Other grammatical characteristics

  • The copula be in the present tense is often dropped, as in Russian, Hebrew, Arabic and other languages. For example: You crazy ("You're crazy") or She my sister ("She's my sister"). The phenomenon is also observed in questions: Who you? ("Who're you?") and Where you at? ("Where are you (at)?"). This has been sometimes considered a Southern U.S. regionalism, though it is most frequent in black speech.[68] On the other hand, a stressed is cannot be dropped: Yes, she is my sister. The general rules are:
    • Only the forms is and are (of which the latter is anyway often replaced by is) can be omitted; am, was, and were are not deleted.
    • These forms cannot be omitted when they would be pronounced with stress in General American (whether or not the stress serves specifically to impart an emphatic sense to the verb's meaning).
    • These forms cannot be omitted when the corresponding form in standard English cannot show contraction (and vice versa). For example, I don't know where he is cannot be reduced to *I don't know where he just as in standard English forms the corresponding reduction *I don't know where he's is likewise impossible. (I don't know where he at is possible, paralleling I don't know where he's at in standard English.)
    • Possibly some other minor conditions apply as well.[69]
  • Verbs are uninflected for number and person: there is no -s ending in the present-tense third-person singular. Example: She write poetry ("She writes poetry"). AAVE don't for standard English doesn't comes from this, unlike in some other dialects which use don't for standard English doesn't but does when not in the negative. Similarly, was is used for what in standard English are contexts for both was and were.[70]
  • The genitive -'s ending may or may not be used.[71] Genitive case is inferrable from adjacency. This is similar to many creoles throughout the Caribbean. Many language forms throughout the world use an unmarked possessive; it may here result from a simplification of grammatical structures. Example: my momma sister ("my mother's sister")
  • The words it and they denote the existence of something, equivalent to standard English's there is or there are.[72]
  • Word order in questions: Why they ain't growing? ("Why aren't they growing?") and Who the hell she think she is? ("Who the hell does she think she is?") lack the inversion of most other forms of English. Because of this, there is also no need for the "auxiliary do".[73]

Vocabulary

AAVE shares most of its lexicon with other varieties of English, particularly that of informal and Southern dialects; for example, the relatively recent use of y'all. However, it has also been suggested that some of the vocabulary unique to AAVE has its origin in West African languages, but etymology is often difficult to trace and without a trail of recorded usage, the suggestions below cannot be considered proven. Early AAVE and Gullah contributed a number of African-originated words to the American English mainstream, including gumbo,[74] goober,[75] yam, and banjo.[76]

AAVE has also contributed slang expressions such as cool and hip.[77] In many cases, the postulated etymologies are not recognized by linguists or the Oxford English Dictionary, such as to dig,[78] jazz,[79] tote,[79] and bad-mouth, a calque from Mandinka.[80]

AAVE also has words that either are not part of most other American English dialects or have strikingly different meanings. For example, there are several words in AAVE referring to white people that are not part of mainstream American English; these include gray as an adjective for whites (as in gray dude), possibly from the color of Confederate uniforms; and paddy, an extension of the slang use for "Irish".[81]

"Ofay," which is pejorative, is another general term for a white person; it might derive from the Ibibio word afia, which means "light-colored", from the Yoruba word ofe, spoken in hopes of disappearing from danger. However, most dictionaries simply say its etymology is unknown.[82]

Kitchen refers to the particularly curly or kinky hair at the nape of the neck, and siditty or seddity means "snobbish" or "bourgeois".[83]

AAVE has also contributed various words and phrases to other varieties of English, including chill out, main squeeze, soul, funky, and threads.[84]

Influence on other dialects

African-American Vernacular English has influenced the development of other dialects of English. The AAVE accent, New York accent, and Spanish-language accents have together yielded the sound of New York Latino English, some of whose speakers use an accent indistinguishable from an AAVE one.[85] AAVE has also influenced certain Chicano accents and Liberian Settler English, directly derived from the AAVE of the original 16,000 African Americans who migrated to Liberia in the 1800s.[86] In the United States, urban youth participating in hip-hop culture or marginalized as ethnic minorities, aside from Latinos, are also well-studied in adopting African-American Vernacular English, or prominent elements of it: for example, Southeast-Asian Americans embracing hip-hop identities.[87][88]

Variation

Urban versus rural variations

African-American Vernacular English began as mostly rural and Southern, yet today is mostly urban and nationally widespread, and its more recent urban features are now even diffusing into rural areas.[89] Urban AAVE alone is intensifying with the grammatical features exemplified in these sentences: "He be the best" (intensified equative be), "She be done had her baby" (resultative be done), and "They come hollerin" (indignant come). On the other hand, rural AAVE alone shows certain features too, such as: "I was a-huntin" (a-prefixing); "It riz above us" (different irregular forms); and "I want for to eat it" (for to complement).[90] Using the word bees even in place of be to mean is or are in standard English, as in the sentence "That's the way it bees" is also one of the rarest of all deep AAVE features today, and most middle-class AAVE speakers would recognize the verb bees as part of only a deep "Southern" or "country" speaker's vocabulary.[23]

Local variations

New York City AAVE incorporates some local features of the New York accent, including its high THOUGHT vowel; meanwhile, conversely, Pittsburgh AAVE may merge this same vowel with the LOT vowel, matching the cot-caught merger of white Pittsburgh accents. AAVE accents traditionally do not have the cot-caught merger. Memphis, Atlanta, and Research Triangle AAVE incorporates the DRESS vowel raising and FACE vowel lowering associated with white Southern accents. Memphis and St. Louis AAVE are developing, since the mid-twentieth century, an iconic merger of the vowels in SQUARE and NURSE, making there sound like thurr.[91]

Social context

Although the distinction between AAVE and General American accents is clear to most English speakers, some characteristics, notably double negatives and the omission of certain auxiliaries (see below) such as the has in has been are also characteristic of many colloquial dialects of American English. There is near-uniformity of AAVE grammar, despite its vast geographic spread across the whole country.[92] This may be due in part to relatively recent migrations of African Americans out of the American South (see Great Migration and Second Great Migration) as well as to long-term racial segregation that kept black people living together in largely homogeneous communities.[93]

Misconceptions about AAVE are, and have long been, common, and have stigmatized its use. One myth is that AAVE is grammatically "simple" or "sloppy". However, like all dialects, AAVE shows consistent internal logic and grammatical complexity, and is used naturally by a group of people to express thoughts and ideas.[94] Prescriptively, attitudes about AAVE are often less positive; since AAVE deviates from the standard, its use is commonly misinterpreted as a sign of ignorance, laziness, or both.[95][96] Perhaps because of this attitude (as well as similar attitudes among other Americans), most speakers of AAVE are bidialectal, being able to speak with more standard English features, and perhaps even a General American accent, as well as AAVE. Such linguistic adaptation in different environments is called code-switching[97][98]—though Linnes (1998) argues that the situation is actually one of diglossia:[99] each dialect, or code, is applied in different settings. Generally speaking, the degree of exclusive use of AAVE decreases with increasing socioeconomic status (although AAVE is still used by even well-educated African Americans).[100][101][102][103]

Another myth is that AAVE is the native dialect (or even more inaccurately, a linguistic fad) employed by all African Americans. Wheeler (1999) warns that "AAVE should not be thought of as the language of Black people in America. Many African Americans neither speak it nor know much about it".[104]

Ogbu (1999) argues that the use of AAVE carries racially affirmative political undertones as its use allows African Americans to assert their cultural upbringing. Nevertheless, use of AAVE also carries strong social connotations; Sweetland (2002) presents a white female speaker of AAVE who is accepted as a member into African American social groups despite her race.

Before the substantial research of the 1960s and 1970s—including William Labov's groundbreakingly thorough grammatical study, Language in the Inner City—there was doubt that the speech of African Americans had any exclusive features not found in varieties spoken by other groups; Williamson (1970) noted that distinctive features of African American speech were present in the speech of Southerners and Farrison (1970) argued that there were really no substantial vocabulary or grammatical differences between the speech of blacks and that of other English dialects.[105]

In the legal system

The United States courts are divided over how to admit statements of ambiguous tense made in AAVE under evidence. In United States v. Arnold, the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit held that "he finna shoot me" was a statement made in the present tense, so it was admissible hearsay under the excited utterance exception; however, the dissent held that past or present tense could not be determined by the statement, so the statement should not have been admitted into evidence.[106]

In US courts, an interpreter is only routinely available for speakers of "a language other than English". Rickford and King (2016) argue that a lack of familiarity with AAVE (and other minority dialects of English) on the part of jurors, stenographers, and others can lead to misunderstandings in court. They especially focus on the Trayvon Martin case and how the testimony of Rachel Jeantel was perceived as incomprehensible and not credible by the jury due to her dialect.[107]

In music

Spirituals, blues, jazz, R&B, and most recently, hip-hop are all genres associated with African American music; as such, AAVE usually appears, through singing, speaking, or rapping, in these musical forms. Examples of morphosyntactic features of AAVE in genres other than hip-hop are given below:

Artist Song Lyric AAVE feature
Nina Simone "It Be's That Way Sometime" "It Be's That Way Sometime" habitual aspect with be
Vera Hall "Trouble So Hard" "Don't nobody know my trouble but God" negative concord
Texas Alexander "The Rising Sun" "She got something round and it look just like a bat" lack of inflection on present-tense verb
WC Handy "Saint Louis Blues" "Cause my baby, he done left this town." Use of "done" to indicate the recent past

More recently, AAVE has been used heavily in hip-hop to show "street cred".[108] Examples of morphosyntactic AAVE features used by black hip-hop artists are given below:

Artist Song Lyric AAVE feature
LL Cool J "Control Myself" "She said her name Shayeeda" absence of copula
LL Cool J "Control Myself" "I could tell her mama feed her" lack of inflection on present-tense verb
Kanye West ft. Jay-Z "Gotta Have It" "You can bank I ain't got no ceilin'" negative concord
Nick Cannon "Can I Live" "It's a lot of angels waiting on their wings" expletive it

In addition to grammatical features, lexical items specific to AAVE are often used in hip-hop:

Artist Song Lyric AAVE lexical itema Standard English definition
Kanye West ft. Jay-Z "Otis" "Or the big-face rollie, I got two of those" rollie Rolex (watch)
Tupac Shakur "Straight Ballin'" "And getting ghost on the 5-0" 5-0 ("five-oh") police
Lil Wayne "Blinded" "I can put bangles around yo ashy ankles" ashy dry skin

^a Lexical items taken from Smitherman (2000)

Because hip-hop is so intimately related to the African American oral tradition, non-black hip-hop artists also use certain features of AAVE; for example, in an MC battle, Eyedea said, "What that mean, yo?"[109] displaying a lack of subject-verb inversion and also the "auxiliary do". However, they tend to avoid the term nigga, even as a marker of solidarity.[109] White hip-hop artists such as Eyedea can choose to accentuate their whiteness by hyper-articulating postvocalic r sounds (i.e. the retroflex approximant).[109]

AAVE is also used by non-black artists in genres other than hip-hop, if less frequently. For instance, in "Tonight, Tonight", Hot Chelle Rae uses the term dime to mean "an attractive woman".[110] Jewel's "Sometimes It Be That Way" employs habitual be in the title to indicate habitual aspect. If they do not employ similar features of AAVE in their speech, then it can be argued that they are modeling their musical performance to evoke aspects of particular musical genres such as R&B or the blues (as British pop musicians of the 1960s and beyond did to evoke rock, pop, and the blues).[111] Some research suggests that non-African American young adults learn AAVE vocabulary by listening to hip-hop music.[108]

In social media

On Twitter, AAVE is used as a framework from which sentences and words are constructed, in order to accurately express oneself.[112] Grammatical features and word pronunciations stemming from AAVE are preserved.[112] Spellings based on AAVE have become increasingly common, to the point where it has become a normalized practice. Some examples include, "you" (you're), "they" (their/they're), "gon/gone" (going to), and "yo" (your).[112]

In education

Educators traditionally have attempted to eliminate AAVE usage through the public education system, perceiving the dialect as grammatically defective.[113] In 1974, the teacher-led Conference on College Composition and Communication issued a position statement affirming students' rights to their own dialects and the validity of all dialects.[114] Mainstream linguistics has long agreed with this view about dialects.[115] In 1979, a judge ordered the Ann Arbor School District to find a way to identify AAVE speakers in the schools and to "use that knowledge in teaching such students how to read standard English."[116] In 1996, Oakland Unified School District made a controversial resolution for AAVE, which was later called "Ebonics." The Oakland School board approved that Ebonics be recognized as a language independent from English (though this particular view is not endorsed by linguists), that teachers would participate in recognizing this language, and that it would be used in theory to support the transition from Ebonics to Standard American English in schools. This program lasted three years and then died off.[117]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Gordon, Matthew J. (2013). Labov: A Guide for the Perplexed. Bloomsbury. p. 215. ISBN 978-1-4411-5852-9.
  2. ^ For the reasons that linguists avoid using the term Ebonics, see for example Green (2002:7–8).
  3. ^ Edwards (2004), p. 383.
  4. ^ Rickford (2015), pp. 302, 310.
  5. ^ Spears (2015).
  6. ^ McWhorter (2001), p. 179.
  7. ^ Thomas (2006), pp. 16, 19-20.
  8. ^ Wardhaugh (2002), p. 341.
  9. ^ a b Poplack (2000), p. ?.
  10. ^ a b Poplack & Tagliamonte (2001), p. ?.
  11. ^ See Howe & Walker (2000) for more information
  12. ^ The Oakland school board's resolution "was about a perfectly ordinary variety of English spoken by a large and diverse population of Americans of African descent. . . . [E]ssentially all linguists agree that what the Oakland board was dealing with is a dialect of English."Pullum (1997)
  13. ^ McWhorter (2001), pp. 162, 185.
  14. ^ McWhorter (2001), pp. 162, 182.
  15. ^ Mufwene (2001:29) and Bailey (2001:55), both citing Stewart (1964), Stewart (1969), Dillard (1972), and Rickford (1997a).
  16. ^ Smith & Crozier (1998), pp. 113–114.
  17. ^ Those in favor of the "creole hypothesis" of African-American Vernacular English include creolists William Stewart, John Dillard and John Rickford.
  18. ^ William Labov, in the Foreword to Poplack & Tagliamonte (2001), says "I would like to think that this clear demonstration of the similarities among the three diaspora dialects and the White benchmark dialects, combined with their differences from creole grammars, would close at least one chapter in the history of the creole controversies."
  19. ^ Ludden, Jennifer (September 6, 2010). "Op-Ed: DEA Call For Ebonics Experts Smart Move" Archived 2018-01-08 at the Wayback Machine. NPR.
  20. ^ Wolfram (1998), p. 112.
  21. ^ a b Dillard (1972), p. ??.
  22. ^ Read (1939), p. 247.
  23. ^ a b c McWhorter (2001), pp. 146–7.
  24. ^ Green (2002), p. 131.
  25. ^ Heggarty, Paul; et al., eds. (2013). "Accents of English from Around the World". University of Edinburgh. Archived from the original on 2016-04-26. Retrieved 2018-01-07See pronunciation for "Chicago AAVE" and "N.Carolina AAVE."
  26. ^ Thomas, Erik. (2007). "Phonological and phonetic characteristics of AAVE". Language and Linguistics Compass. 1. 450 - 475. 10.1111/j.1749-818X.2007.00029.x. p. 464.
  27. ^ Eberhardt (2008).
  28. ^ Baranowski (2013).
  29. ^ a b c Labov (1972), p. 19.
  30. ^ Green (2002), p. 116.
  31. ^ Bailey & Thomas (1998:89), citing Wolfram (1994)
  32. ^ Green (2002), pp. 117–119.
  33. ^ Green (2002:121–122) although her examples are different.
  34. ^ Green (2002), p. 107.
  35. ^ Rickford (1997b), p. ??.
  36. ^ "Phonological Features of African American Vernacular English". www.rehabmed.ualberta.ca. Retrieved 2020-08-30.
  37. ^ Green (2002), pp. 107–116.
  38. ^ Labov (1972), p. 15.
  39. ^ Labov (1972), pp. 15–16.
  40. ^ a b Green (2002), p. 123.
  41. ^ Labov (1972), pp. 17–18.
  42. ^ Labov (1972), pp. 18–19.
  43. ^ See Baugh (2000:92–94) on "aks" and metathesis, on the frequency with which "aks" is brought up by those who ridicule AAVE (e.g.Cosby (1997)), and on the linguistic or cognitive abilities of a speaker of another variety of English who would take "aks" to mean "axe" in a context that in another variety would probably call for "ask".
  44. ^ Green (2002), pp. 119–121.
  45. ^ Green (2002:121), citing Wolfram & Fasold (1974:140)
  46. ^ Labov (1972), p. 14.
  47. ^ Wolfram, Walt; Kohn, Mary E. (forthcoming). "The regional development of African American Language Archived 2018-11-06 at the Wayback Machine". In Sonja Lanehart, Lisa Green, and Jennifer Bloomquist (eds.), The Oxford Handbook on African American Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 147.
  48. ^ Green (2002), p. 121.
  49. ^ Labov (1972), pp. 14–15.
  50. ^ McWhorter (2001), pp. 146.
  51. ^ McWhorter (2001), pp. 148.
  52. ^ Fickett (1972), pp. 17–18.
  53. ^ a b Fickett (1972), p. 19.
  54. ^ Green (2002), pp. 60–62.
  55. ^ Aspectual be: Green (2002:47–54)
  56. ^ In order to distinguish the stressed and unstressed forms, which carry different meaning, linguists often write the stressed version as BIN
  57. ^ Green (2002), pp. 54–55.
  58. ^ a b Rickford (1999), p. ??.
  59. ^ Fickett (1972:17) refers to this as a combination of "punctuative" and "imperfect" aspects.
  60. ^ Green (2002), pp. 71–72.
  61. ^ Green (2002), p. 71.
  62. ^ Green (2002:70–71), citing DeBose & Faraclas (1993).
  63. ^ See Spears (1982:850)
  64. ^ Green (2002), pp. 73–74.
  65. ^ a b Howe & Walker (2000), p. 110.
  66. ^ Labov (1972), p. 284.
  67. ^ Winford (1992), p. 350.
  68. ^ Labov (1972), p. 8.
  69. ^ Geoff Pullum (17 October 1998). "Why Ebonics Is No Joke". Lingua Franca (transcript). Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Archived from the original on 9 February 2010. Retrieved 1 May 2014.
  70. ^ Green (2002), p. 38.
  71. ^ Green (2002), pp. 102–103.
  72. ^ Green (2002), p. 80.
  73. ^ Green (2002), pp. 84–89.
  74. ^ Shorter OED, 5th edition, cf Bantu kingumbo
  75. ^ Shorter OED, 5th edition, Kikongo nguba
  76. ^ Nagle, S., & Sanders, S. (Eds.). (2003). English in the Southern United States (Studies in English Language). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 12.
  77. ^ Guralnik (1984), p. ?.
  78. ^ This is from Wolof dëgg or dëgga, meaning "to understand/appreciate" according to Smitherman 2000 s.v. "Dig"; or, it may instead come from Irish tuig, according to Random House Unabridged, 2001
  79. ^ a b Rickford & Rickford (2000), p. 146.
  80. ^ Smitherman (1977:??) cited in Rickford and Rickford, Spoken Soul, 240.
  81. ^ Gray: Smitherman, Black Talk, s.v. "Gray". Paddy: Dictionary of American Regional English, s.v. "Paddy".
  82. ^ Smitherman (2000) suggests either a general West African or the Pig Latin origin. Black Talk, s.v. "Ofay".
  83. ^ Smitherman (2000), s.v. "Kitchen". Kitchen, siditty: Dictionary of American Regional English, s.vv. "Kitchen", "Siditty".
  84. ^ Lee (1999), pp. 381–386.
  85. ^ Blake, Shousterman & Newlin-Łukowicz (2015), pp. 284-285.
  86. ^ Singler, John Victor (2004). Liberian Settler English: phonology. In Edgar W. Schneider, Kate Burridge, Bernd Kortmann, Rajend Mesthrie & Clive Upton (eds.), A Handbook of Varieties of English: Phonology. Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 875-876.
  87. ^ Reyes, Angela (2007). Language, Identity, and Stereotype Among Southeast Asian American Youth: The Other Asian. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
  88. ^ Reyes, Angela. (2005). "Appropriation of African American Slang by Asian American Youth". Journal of Sociolinguistics. 9. 509 - 532.
  89. ^ Wolfram, Walt (2004). "The Grammar of Urban African American Vernacular English". In Handbook of Varieties of English, edited by Bernd Kortmann and Edgar Schneider. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 334.
  90. ^ Wolfram, Walt (2004). "The Grammar of Urban African American Vernacular English". In Handbook of Varieties of English, edited by Bernd Kortmann and Edgar Schneider. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 335-336.
  91. ^ Wolfram, Walt; Kohn, Mary E. (forthcoming). "The regional development of African American Language Archived 2018-11-06 at the Wayback Machine". In Sonja Lanehart, Lisa Green, and Jennifer Bloomquist (eds.), The Oxford Handbook on African American Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 149-151.
  92. ^ Labov (2001), pp. 506–508.
  93. ^ Wardhaugh (2002), p. 339.
  94. ^ Green (2002:217), citing Burling (1973) Labov (1969)
  95. ^ Green (2002), p. 221.
  96. ^ Lanehart (2001:4–6) argues that it is no coincidence that a population that has historically been "ridiculed and despised" would have its characteristic speech variety treated the same way.
  97. ^ DeBose (1992), p. 157.
  98. ^ Wheeler & Swords (2006).
  99. ^ Cited in Kendall & Wolfram (2009:306)
  100. ^ Coulmas (2005), p. 177.
  101. ^ Rickford & Rickford (2000), p. 8.
  102. ^ DeBose (1992), p. 159.
  103. ^ Linnes (1998).
  104. ^ Wheeler (1999), p. 55.
  105. ^ Cited in Green (2002:218)
  106. ^ U.S. v. Arnold, 486 F.3d 177 (2007) http://www.ca6.uscourts.gov/opinions.pdf/07a0181p-06.pdf Archived 2015-09-23 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved on Sept 23, 2013.
  107. ^ Rickford, John R.; King, Sharese (2016-12-20). "Language and linguistics on trial: Hearing Rachel Jeantel (and other vernacular speakers) in the courtroom and beyond" (PDF). Language. 92 (4): 948–988. doi:10.1353/lan.2016.0078. ISSN 1535-0665. S2CID 152062713. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2018-03-07. Retrieved 2018-03-06.
  108. ^ a b Chesley (2011).
  109. ^ a b c Cutler (2007).
  110. ^ Smitherman (2000), p. 108.
  111. ^ Trudgill (1983).
  112. ^ a b c Florini (2014), p. 233.
  113. ^ Wardhaugh (2002), pp. 343–348.
  114. ^ Smitherman (1999), p. 357.
  115. ^ McWhorter (2001).
  116. ^ Flood, J., Jensen, J., Lapp, D., Squire, J. (1991). Handbook of research on teaching the English language arts. New York, NY: Macmillan Publishing Company.
  117. ^ Lippi-Green, Rosina. English with an Accent (Second ed.). Routledge. pp. 304–321.

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Further reading